‘I don’t quite belong’: Working-class students’ experiences of being first-in-family to attend university

Blog post Part of special issue: Far away from the ivory tower

‘I don’t quite belong’: Working-class students’ experiences of being first-in-family to attend university

Ruth Woolsey, Doctoral researcher and lecturer at Leeds Beckett University Katie Major-Smith, PhD Candidate at Plymouth Marjon University 14 Nov 2025

This blog post reflects on findings from the ��ɫ�� Brian Simon fellowship fund research project Far away from the ivory tower to highlight some of the issues that might be experienced by those who self-identify as working-class students, who are likely to be disadvantaged in material ways. It draws on testimony from two of the project’s participants, Lucy and Kat^[1]which reveals that attending university might be particularly challenging for students from working-class backgrounds. The authors argue that systemic change is still needed to increase inclusivity in higher education (HE).

Despite efforts to widen participation, attendance of working-class students – many of whom are likely to be first generation students – is low, with just 29.2 per cent attending university compared with 49.4 per cent of non-working-class students. Furthermore, only 5.3 per cent make it to high-ranking universities (versus 14.4 per cent of non-working-class students).^[2]This issue is rooted in the HE system better supporting those from higher social classes (Bathmaker et al., 2013).

Lucy shared that for her, going to university ‘wasn’t even something on my radar’ – she never considered it a choice available to her. This is not because working-class students are incapable but because of centuries of being kept in their place by the elite (Crossley, 2017). With inequality reproduced over generations, ‘success’ is largely a product of luck rather than effort or intelligence (McNamee, 2014). For working-class students who do reach HE, their experience and outcomes are far from equitable. Lucy also shared that she felt she didn’t ‘quite belong’ and perceived that the best paid jobs with ‘high’ status still go to those born into privilege due to social and financial capital. As Wilson & Herbert argued back in 1978, the Education Act’s aspiration of equal opportunity cannot be realised while inequality persists.

‘With inequality reproduced over generations, “success” is largely a product of luck rather than effort or intelligence. For working-class students who do reach HE, their experience and outcomes are far from equitable.’

The persistence of inequality impacts greatly on those from working-class backgrounds, who might have to juggle caring and work responsibilities alongside their academic studies. Kat, for instance, noted feeling vulnerable: ‘I’m going to drop out now because I can’t do this.’ This exemplifies the anxieties and tensions experienced by those who are broadly less advantaged socially or economically.

Using academic language also perpetuates this non-inclusive environment. Commonly used in HE, academic language – due to its precision, complexity and formality – can be intimidating for working-class students unfamiliar with it and reduce their ability to contribute to discussions at university events and conferences. Although being unable to speak academically does not reduce the value of students’ ideas, it is a prominent reminder of the challenges they experience fitting in. For Lucy, it reinforced her feeling of not belonging, yet being able to speak academically helped her integrate with her peers, emphasising: ‘I’m using those words to know I belong.’ The impact of this language barrier should not be underestimated, causing working-class students to perceive themselves as ‘outsiders’ while lowering their confidence and ability to integrate into HE (Reay, 2021). Therefore, although there is a place for academic language, its use should be questioned to ensure that everyone is able to input ideas, regardless of whether they speak the academic lingo.

So, what might improve the experience and outcomes for working-class students? Aside from the essential financial and practical support that students should have access to, as noted by the , we need increased staff support. Staff need time and resources to support students, which would promote an inclusive environment that builds confidence. Hiring employees, including those with a working-class background, who have genuine empathy would potentially help enhance inclusivity. In addition, HE institutions, government and wider society need to place more value on kindness (Milner & Fewings) and community (Smith & Mohammed), instead of neoliberal values of competition and individualism that disproportionately affects those from working-class backgrounds.

Although working-class students such as Kat find HE ‘really hard’, so much can be gained from the university experience. This includes integrating with peers from different backgrounds; learning to think critically; and enhancing career potential: all of which are important to combating the inequality experienced in HE and throughout society. To ensure working-class students have this opportunity, it is imperative that the disadvantages these students experience in HE are addressed and that each student is able to attend an inclusive university where they can thrive. As Lucy recognised, by attending university ‘you grow so much’, and every working-class student deserves that opportunity.

[1] Pseudonyms used to heighten participant anonymity.

[2] See

References

Bathmaker, A. M., Ingram, N., & Waller, R. (2013). Higher education, social class and the mobilisation of capitals: Recognising and playing the game. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 34(5–6), 723–743.

Crossley, S. (2017). In their place: The imagined geographies of poverty. Pluto Press.

McNamee, S. J. (2014). The meritocracy myth revisited. Sociation Today, 12(2).

Reay, D. (2021). The working classes and higher education: Meritocratic fallacies of upward mobility in the United Kingdom. European Journal of Education, 56(1), 53–64.

Wilson & Herbert (1978). Parents and children in the inner city. Routledge.

Ruth Woolsey

Doctoral researcher and lecturer at Leeds Beckett University

Ruth Woolsey is a Politics and International Relations doctoral researcher and lecturer at Leeds Beckett University. Her current research looks at what people understand about the difficulties of moving out of poverty in the UK. Her Interests lie in what might change social policy to improve the life chances of those born into low-income households. The understanding is that attitudes among the general public have to change to pressure governments to act. The hegemonic discourse is that poverty is largely due to individual behaviour and deficits – a feature of neoliberalism – rather than the inequality that is reproduced to benefit those holding wealth and power. Therefore, a robust counter-hegemony is needed to change the narrative and address the greed of the minority. Focusing on upskilling and education alone will not benefit the most marginalised without structural change.

Katie Major-Smith

PhD Candidate at Plymouth Marjon University

Katie Major-Smith is a PhD candidate at Plymouth Marjon University and the Research and Evaluation Lead for UKRI NetworkPlus in Circular Fashion and Textiles at the University of Plymouth. She is a mixed methods researcher, and her research focuses on sustainable diets and behaviour change, with a particular focus on the production and consumption of plant-based meat, plant-based dairy and sustainable palm oil. Since joining the University of Plymouth, she has been researching sustainable practices in the fashion industry. In 2022, Katie was awarded as an Honorary Fellow of the Environmental Association for Universities and Colleges.