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International Perspectives On Educational Inequalities And Social Policy-Making

Ewan Ingleby

Following Teesside University鈥檚 successful social policy REF (Research Excellence Framework) submission I accepted a formal invitation to attend The . The conference participants collated and disseminated significant findings about social policy-making and its relation to educational inequalities.

Following the work of colleagues at Teesside who contributed to the REF submission (ranked 13th out of 62 for research outputs with 85% achieving a 3*/4* rating and 100% of impact judged to be 3*/4*), I flew to Bremen with mounting excitement! I knew I would enjoy meeting their postgraduate research tutor, their research staff and students, in view of how much I enjoy this corresponding role at Teesside. Our University Social Futures Research Institute seminars provided me with background information about the consequences of the 2011 child poverty strategy in England. This social policy strategy appears to be a reinvention of previous attempts to include as many individuals as possible within the methodologically mercurial term 鈥榮ocial capital鈥 (Bagley and Ackerley 2006). Social capital can be summarized as being 鈥榯he institutions and relationships of a thriving civil society鈥 (Gerwirtz, Dickson, Power, Halpin, and Whitty 2005, 654). The consequence appears to be an ineffectual attempt to improve awareness of the causes and educational consequences of child poverty (Simpson 2013).

With the autumn sun softening the sombre grey concrete of the campus at Jacobs University, Bremen, my knowledge from Teesside was enriched by my European academic colleagues. The international perspectives presented at the conference reinforced the argument that inequalities in education are critically determined by levels of governance (Hall and Soskice 2001). Drawing on the difference between 鈥榣iberal鈥 and 鈥榗oordinated鈥 economies, clear contrasts were identified between European Union countries and varying levels of literacy. Knauber, Weiss, and Sch脰man (2015) revealed that those countries they defined as 鈥榟aving 鈥榣iberal economies鈥 (England, Denmark and France) fared less well in terms of literacy levels than those countries with more 鈥榗oordinated economies鈥 (Austria, Finland and The Netherlands). This is due to the possibility of having 鈥榟igher coordination of strategic interventions鈥 in countries that do not have liberal economies. The research reinforced the argument that convergence to an Anglo-American model of economy actually reinforces educational disadvantage (Hall and Soskice 2001).

Knauber, Weiss, and Sch脰man (2015) exploited the OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development) 2013 data to reveal the differing levels of literacy between countries in the European Union. Basing their presentation on 鈥榖ig data鈥 and 鈥榠nductive reflections鈥 (through a mixed methods approach) Knauber, Weiss, and Sch脰man (2015) outlined that contrasting structures of governance do appear to influence attainments in literacy. The conference revealed 2 significant findings:

  1. Attainment of literacy within nations in the EU is determined by economic structures.
  2. 鈥楲iberal鈥 economies are less able to influence education attainment in literacy than 鈥榗oordinated鈥 economies (Hall and Soskice 2001).

My own research in this area is based on exploring 鈥榯ransformative education鈥 (in other words the potential for education to transform individuals and their circumstances). The convincing research of Knauber, Weiss, and Sch脰man (2015) reveals that the capacity of education to be transformative is influenced by economic structures and their reinforcement by policy-makers. Following the it was observed that 鈥榣iberal governance鈥 is now 鈥榥eoliberal governance鈥 in EU countries like England. There are direct interventions by governments to enable education to be influenced by market forces (evidenced in England with Academy Schools). The findings from the Bremen International Graduate School of Social Science conference of 2015 reveal that the transformative power of education is shaped by economic forces. Levels of literacy improve within economies that are 鈥榗oordinated鈥. They deteriorate within 鈥榣iberal鈥 economies (Knauber, Weiss, and Sch脰man 2015). No matter how 鈥榦utstanding鈥 or otherwise our pedagogy is in literacy, achievements are ultimately linked to economic structures. A science that has been critiqued as 鈥榙ismal鈥 appears to be of critical importance in understanding achievements in literacy at national and international levels.

References

Bagley, C.A., and C.L. Ackerley. 2006. 鈥淚 Am Much More Than Just a Mum.鈥 Social Capital, Empowerment and Sure Start. 鈥 Journal of Education Policy 21 (6): 717-734.

Gerwirtz, S., M. Dickson, S. Power, D. Halpin, & G. Whitty. 2005. 鈥淭he Deployment of Social Capital Theory in Educational Policy and Provision, the Case of Education Action Zones in England.鈥 British Educational Research Journal 31 (6): 651-673.

Hall A, and D. Soskice. 2001. Varieties Of Capitalism: The Institutional Foundations Of Comparative Advantage. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Knauber. C., C. Weiss, K. Sch脰man. 2015. 鈥淭he Role of Governance Structures in the explanation of Literacy Outcomes. Multi-level and Case-Study Analysis.鈥 Paper presented at the Bremen International Graduate School of Social Science 聽Conference, Bremen, Germany, 聽24-25 September. OECD. 2013. Education at a Glance 2013: OECD Indicators.聽 OECD Publishing.

Simpson, D. 2013. 鈥淩emediating Child Poverty Via Preschool: Exploring Practitioners鈥 Perceptions in England.鈥 International Journal of Early Years Education, 21 (1):聽 85-95.