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The Labour Party is in government again and education underpins its . Policy appears to be focused on curriculum, assessment and inspection reform in schools (see DfE, 2024; Ofsted, 2025), and the finances of universities (see Jeffreys & Rhodes, 2024) This all feels familiar. But there is a more significant challenge beyond the highway from schools to universities, which is restricted to young people who clear the ‘high jump’ of examinations at the age of 16.

In a system reliant on this route, access to higher education (HE) has been shaped by the gap in attainment between the most and least advantaged pupils. This narrowed on some measures during the first half of the past decade, then worsened during the Covid-19 pandemic (see EPI, 2023).

Whatever reforms it makes in schools, the new government will not shift the sustained inequalities in HE participation, nor the polarisation arising from this, if it relies on direct progression to degree level courses from school. So, it needs a coherent approach to funding and regulating different types of tertiary education, which encourages diverse pathways at different points of life.

‘Whatever reforms it makes in schools, the new government will not shift the sustained inequalities in higher education participation if it relies on direct progression to degree level courses from school.’

Voters without university degrees sought change by choosing to in 2016, the in 2019 and the in 2024. They often live in places that have been identified as ‘’ in a knowledge economy fuelled by the previous Labour government’s plan for .

Labour’s ambition was achieved, however, through a different pattern of participation than expected. Its plans were influenced by the commissioned before it was elected in 1997. The report positioned English HE as an outlier, offering young people ‘the high jump of the three/four-year honours degree, or fail’. This shackles university progression to attainment at the age of 16 years, while neglecting intermediate and part-time studies valued by employers and older learners.

The Dearing review aimed ‘to see differentials between groups reduced significantly over the coming years’. That would be achieved by focusing on places without universities where further education (FE) colleges provide a route to employment or university degrees. It would demand connectivity between different types of tertiary education, including part-time studies alongside work.

Marketisation was expected to stimulate diversity and flexibility by introducing new providers and driving responsiveness to student circumstances. But student choice has consolidated around a model that is both recognisable to their families and employers, and favourable to universities rather than FE colleges.

By recruiting full-time full-degree students directly from schools, universities assure control over indicators used in and , while maximising their income from tuition fees. There are , but only three of significant size, and progression from colleges has been hampered by competition (see Bhattacharya & Norman, 2021).

Whereas full-time studies in English universities by 28 per cent during the decade from 2012, part-time declined by 30 per cent. Full degree studies increased by 25 per cent, whereas those at intermediate level declined by 44 per cent.

In parallel, the between young people eligible for Free School Meals and others increased from 18 to 21 percentage points, while that between London and regions across the North and Midlands increased from 9–13 to 16–20 points.

A new body, , will now identify priorities across all forms of tertiary education, and a will extend financial support. These measures will, however, have limited impact without improvements to supply and demand. That requires a step change in co-production of pathways and financing across FE and HE.

‘Skills England should review the barriers to learner progression caused by different regulatory and funding approaches, then broker changes among the agencies responsible for them.’

At the national level, Skills England should review the barriers to learner progression caused by different regulatory and funding approaches, then broker changes among the agencies responsible for them.

In each Mayoral Strategic Authority (MSA) area, should be replaced with skills and innovation partnerships, including all types of universities. These partnerships should be charged with agreeing priorities for access, progression and skills development, and how universities, colleges and employers will combine their resources to deliver them.

This will require better incentives for universities to collaborate with FE colleges, rather than competing with them. That could be achieved by integrating the capital funding allocated to institutions within each MSA area, together with a unified approach to access and participation plans, which are a requirement for higher-level fees. It could also be strengthened by positioning tertiary progression within the measurement of civic university contributions, which appears likely to become a requirement for inflationary fee increases.

These changes do not require additional funding, nor fundamental reconfiguration of the institutional and regulatory landscape. They will, however, provide learners with diverse routes through FE and HE, not just the high jump between schools and universities.

References

Bhattacharya, A. & Norman, A. (2021). Study buddies? Competition and collaboration between higher education and further education. Social Market Foundation.

Department for Education [DfE]. (2024). Government launches Curriculum and Assessment Review (Press release).

Education Policy Institute [EPI]. (2023). Annual report 2023.

Jeffreys, B., & Rhodes, H. (2024, November 14). University cash crisis to get worse despite tuition fee rise, BBC told. BBC News.

Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted). (2025). Ofsted sets out proposals for fairer education inspections and new, more detailed report cards (Press release).